No Images? Click here 8 MAYTaxing TimesA "decade in the red" is how The New York Times describes newly obtained tax information about President Trump's businesses over a ten-year period. The printouts from Trump’s official Internal Revenue Service (IRS) tax transcripts — with figures from his federal tax forms for the years 1985 to 1994 — represents the fullest and most detailed look to date at the president’s taxes, information he has kept from public view. The numbers show that in 1985, Trump reported losses of US$46.1 million from his core businesses — largely casinos, hotels and retail space in apartment buildings. They continued to lose money every year, totalling US$1.17 billion in losses for the decade. The report claims Trump lost more money than nearly any other individual American taxpayer when it compared his results with detailed information the IRS compiles on an annual sampling of high-income earners. The losses meant Trump was able to avoid paying income taxes for eight of the 10 years. The information does not, however, cover the more recent tax years at the centre of an escalating battle between the Trump administration and Congress. ![]() NEWS WRAPThe Buttigieg bust
![]() Each of us believes that the conduct of President Trump described in Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s report would, in the case of any other person not covered by the Office of Legal Counsel policy against indicting a sitting president, result in multiple felony charges for obstruction of justice. Part of a letter signed by more than 500 former US Justice Department officials and federal prosecutors. ![]() ANALYSISDigital rules, strategic considerationsHilary McGeachy The geo-economic implications of US-China competition in standards setting for countries such as Australia become apparent when set alongside another key development in international rule-making on digital technology: the change of focus in US trade policy. Trade agreements are the leading fora for setting international rules on digital issues. The United States is credited with identifying and articulating the need for new concepts to enable digital trade, the best known of which relate to the movement of data across borders and prohibiting sweeping requirements to store data locally. These rules attempt to balance the need for governments to maintain public policy-based regulation about the handling of data — such as privacy — with the increasingly central role of data in global economic activity. It has proved to be a complex exercise, particularly as countries introduce or update their data protection laws in response to the prevalence of digital technology or perceive opportunities to mandate the establishment of a local data processing industry. Trade agreements do not incorporate standards on data, but they may cross-reference the use of international standards or include statements that reiterate their value in facilitating international trade. In other words, there is a complementarity between trade agreements and international standards. With that complementarity in mind, Washington’s withdrawal from what is now the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) saw the United States step away from what had been a key objective: the establishment of a regional framework on digital trade. The withdrawal of the United States from the CPTPP has not taken digital trade rules off the US trade agenda — the strong outcomes on digital trade in the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) are testament to their ongoing importance. But its departure from the CPTPP, alongside overarching concerns about the functioning of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and Washington’s focus on bilateral trade policy agendas — has taken the United States out of the driver’s seat on regional and global digital trade rules (notwithstanding its participation in e-commerce discussions occurring among a subset of WTO members). The net effect of a narrower US focus in securing digital trade outcomes and China’s enthusiastic pursuit of international standards has created a sense of contest and uncertainty across international rule-setting on new technologies. For some, this is an extension of the ‘Balkanisation’ of the internet that has taken place in recent years as major economies have adopted different, and sometimes incompatible, regulatory settings on the treatment of data. There is no obvious replacement for the United States’ forward-leaning stance on global digital trade. It is not China, which does not share the United States’ desire to set wide-reaching commitments on data. And while Japan and the European Union — as well Australia and number of others — are active voices, there are differences in their approaches that make binding commitments challenging to secure. In the absence of global leadership, policy developments in major emerging markets will take on increased importance in shaping international digital activity. India, which is projected to be the world’s most populous country and the third largest economy by 2035, is chief among these. India provides large volumes of ICT services to the United States, and serves the EU data processing market. It is currently grappling with precedent, protectionism and economic potential as it develops key digital policy settings, including a draft data protection bill that incorporates aspects of both the EU General Data Protection Framework (GDPR) and China’s Cyber Security law. India is also moving ahead with an ambitious 5G roll-out plan. It is making decisions that balance the need for technology that is priced to the Indian market with a desire to foster domestic manufacturing growth, while keeping an eye on security considerations. The factors influencing India’s domestic policy settings mirror some of the contested dialogue at the international level, but India’s rapidly expanding and data-rich economy is also large enough to project influence — including on the future global market in emerging technologies. This should not be overlooked in the focus on the United States and China. Read Hilary McGeachy's full report, 'US-China technology competition: Impacting a rules-based order' here. DIARYThe week ahead
![]() EVENTFilm screening | The Manchurian Candidate (1962)A presidential election campaign, an attempt by Russians to get a sleeper agent in the White House, the US government on the brink of being subverted and taken over by foreign interests – sound familiar? It's hard to believe The Manchurian Candidate was released in 1962, but 2019 seems like as good a time as any to revisit the Academy Award-nominated film starring Frank Sinatra, Laurence Harvey, Angela Lansbury and Janet Leigh. The suspense thriller was filmed at the height of US-Soviet hostility during the Cuban Missile Crisis. It was selected in 1994 for preservation in the United States National Film Registry by the Library of Congress as being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". Non-Resident Senior Fellow Stephen Loosley AM (whose expertise combines presidential politics and Hollywood history) will host an audience discussion following the film. Ticket includes the film, discussion and refreshments. Tickets are non-refundable but transferable. DATE & TIME LOCATION COST Manage your email preferences | Forward this email to a friend United States Studies Centre |