No images? Click here 2 DECEMBERFYD: For Your DisinformationAustralia was rocked by the falsified photo shared by a Chinese diplomat showing an Australian soldier committing war crimes. This comes a week after Prime Minister Scott Morrison pushed back on Chinese assertions that Australia was a "deputy sheriff" to the United States and less than two weeks after the release of the Brereton Report regarding alleged war crimes committed by Australian Special Air Service (SAS) in Afghanistan. This is not coincidental. As United States Studies Centre (USSC) Director of Foreign Policy and Defence Ashley Townshend explained to the AFR in July, "There is some new behaviour in terms of Chinese tactics, assertive wolf warrior diplomacy, and disinformation is part of that." Awareness of the "wolf warrior" mindset is an important first step but countering these tactics is another challenge altogether. This year the USSC hosted a webinar with Zack Cooper and Laura Rosenberger from the German Marshall Fund to discuss: How can democracies fight back against state-backed disinformation campaigns? This discussion provides critical guidance for a trend that is only expected to accelerate in 2021 as democracies like Australia and the United States deal with more overt and more frequent government sanctioned disinformation. VIDEOThanksgiving with Ambassadors Culvahouse and SinodinosDid you miss our Thanksgiving webinar featuring US Ambassador to Australia Arthur B. Culvahouse Jr. and Australian Ambassador to the United States Arthur Sinodinos in conversation with USSC CEO Professor Simon Jackman? Watch the full discussion HERE. Catch this and other recent webinars on the USSC YouTube channel! NEWS WRAPDashing through December
VIRTUAL EVENTUS Politics Web Series this FridayPlease join the USSC and Perth USAsia Centre for the final edition of our 2020 monthly web series reviewing the latest in US politics with a focus on the recent US election and what this means for Australia. This episode will be shortly before the Electoral College meets to officially elect the next president of the United States. In a year of turmoil and transition, there is a lot to discuss as we reflect on 2020 and turn our eyes to the year ahead. COST: ![]() Next month we're drinking something a little bit different because our friends need our help. Florida Congressman Ted Yoho ANALYSISDonald Trump won't go gently into that good nightUSSC CEO Professor Simon Jackman and Lecturer in Political Science Dr Shaun Ratcliff Donald Trump is refusing to go quietly into the night. While he has finally accepted the start of a transition process to the new administration, he has not conceded the election to Democratic candidate Joe Biden and is continuing his legal challenges to the results in some states. Trump's insistence that the election was stolen from him is widely understood as baseless and an attack on the legitimacy of Biden's win and of American democratic institutions. Given the facts about the election are so clear, why have so few Republicans acknowledged that Biden will be the next president of the United States? Why is it that only a handful of Republicans have called upon Trump — now a lame-duck president — to accede to the conventions of a presidential transition, and cease his baseless attacks on the legitimacy of America's democratic institutions? The answer is because of Trump's deep connection to the Republican base, still fervently in his corner. Survey research by the United States Studies Centre, collected in the weeks before the election, found that Americans were deeply divided about the integrity of the 2020 election and accepting its outcome even before the count, with supporters of President Trump much more likely to report concerns about election fraud than Biden supporters. We asked our sample of 1500 American respondents how often they thought mail-in ballots would be cast fraudulently, how often voters would be threatened with violence at the polls and how often they thought votes would be counted fairly. Seventy-one per cent of Trump voters said they believed mail-in ballot fraud happened very or fairly often, and 30 per cent said votes would not be counted fairly. Just 13 per cent of respondents voting for Joe Biden thought mail-in ballot fraud happened often, and the same number thought they would not be counted fairly. Pre-election, the Republican base had already accepted Trump's assessment that his loss would constitute evidence of election fraud. Safe for some quickly corrected rhetorical missteps, Trump hews to this line. With few Republicans challenging Trump's view, rank-and-file Republicans have little reason to think differently. That Trump can sustain this argument, with little or no public opposition from Republicans, speaks volumes about his power. This is an excerpt from Professor Simon Jackman and Dr Shaun Ratcliff's recent op-ed in the Canberra Times. BY THE NUMBERSConcern about Chinese influenceUS 56% | Aus 65% At the end of 2019, the USSC conducted a poll comparing the United States and Australia on a wide range of issues. In recent years, concern about foreign influence and interference was growing in both countries, but it was more prominent in Australia where 65 per cent of those surveyed said they were concerned about Chinese influence compared to 56 per cent in the United States. A mere 21 per cent of Australians said they were not concerned. One year on, in the wake of a global pandemic originating in China, an increase in tariffs imposed by China and overt anti-Australia disinformation from China, these tensions have only escalated. For more, read the full report from the USSC: Public opinion in the age of Trump: The United States and Australia compared or download HERE. Manage your email preferences | Forward this email to a friend United States Studies Centre ![]() |