In these dark times we're thinking a lot about building power. Here's how an Australian campaign built enough of it to shift political realities, and a review of our friend's new book "Engagement organizing", a foundational step on the path to real power.
A theory of change makes the impossible possible
Of all the hot campaign trends from the past few years, the one that’s probably most commonly implemented on new campaigns is the “theory of change”. A critical part of storytelling and engagement, having a credible one helps smart but cynical audiences decide whether your impossible campaign is indeed possible, and thus worth their time and effort. And it’s a lot harder to make one than we usually think.
We’ve been supporting an impossible campaign most of this year, in Australia, where the nice folks down under have a not-so-nice addiction to coal (worth $55B to their economy, their 3rd biggest export). This past weekend in Queensland, where a new climate killing mega-mine would be dug, a state election was just won with the Adani coal mine the top election issue, and a surprise policy turnaround by the winning party may have just dealt it a death blow.
A month ago, this same state government was the mine’s second most vigorous backer, after the coal loving / climate denying conservative federal government. So what changed? A killer campaign, that’s what.
Engagement Organizing is another way of looking at networked campaigns
Seems we’re not the only ones obsessed with mapping the new features of the campaigning landscape! We recently shared how our friends at New/Mode are thinking about this and now we’re happy to present a deeper dive into Matt Price’s great new book Engagement Organizing, which explores how longstanding organizing methods have made their way back into networked campaign design in a more agile and distributed form.
Review of Engagement Organizing: The Old Art and New Science of Winning Campaigns
There is a lot of talk these days about the relative merits of organizing and mobilizing in campaign strategy circles. In these discussions, mobilizing is understood as the practice of driving your base to take part in collective activities, such as signing petitions or donating online, with a focus on achieving good numbers.
Organizing, on the other hand, is the process of building deeper bonds with supporters and skilling them up to become leaders themselves.
Though many advocacy organizations have put their energies into mobilizing, analysts such as political scientist Hahrie Han and labor activist Jane MacAlevey remind us that without organizing, the campaigns and movements we are building are on shaky ground. It is the painstaking work of organizing person by person, they argue, that builds the robust base of engaged and skilled supporters needed to drive social change and political movements forward.
In the past two decades, new digital platforms have been leveraged towards efficient mass mobilisation. The same platforms have also helped organizing become more agile and compatible with mass mobilisation. Matt Price’s book, Engagement Organizing: The Old Art and New Science of #winningcampaigns describes this new practice as combining “community organizing practices, digital tools, data and networked communications to engage people at scale and win campaigns.”
Looking through the recent history of progressive organizations and movements, Price points out that most groups working for social change, including labor unions from the 1930s through the 1960s and community empowerment groups such as the Industrial Areas Foundation in the U.S., started building their organizations with ground up organizing. Door to door canvassing and small-scale activation and recruiting meetings were commonplace.
This lasted up until the advent of the “broadcast era” in the 1960s and 1970s. Then, mass mailers to huge membership lists became the norm. Thousands of members could be mobilised to donate or take simple actions at once though these new communications channels. The incentives justifying the hard work of organizing individuals and building their capacity dropped away.
We have become much better at mobilizing in the digital age, Price points out. That is, campaigns excel at sending online calls to sign petitions, donate small amounts of money and focus pressure on corporate or political targets for brief periods of time. Organizations like the U.S.’s MoveOn.org and their global peers in the digital-first OPEN network have blazed the trail here. But over time, these repeated calls to action have hit a ceiling for these groups and some have found that heavy lifts and serious campaign wins are not possible through this kind of light engagement with their members.
Resource-strapped organizations can find ways to mobilize significant numbers of supporters with just a few core staff. Most assume, however, that traditional and seemingly high-touch organizing is beyond their means. Here again, the digital age has opened up opportunities for efficient forms of organizing assisted by digital tools and networked communications that have made activating and managing remote leaders possible without great investments in staff, events and travel.
In Price’s view, this next generation of organizing is distributed by nature, meaning that it follows a structure where core organizers train and activate remote leaders who, in turn, guide teams of supporters. To illustrate the distributed organizing method, Price focuses on the ’snowflake’ model developed and promoted by Marshall Ganz, which was successfully deployed during the Obama presidential campaigns. Here, each remote leader is trained to take charge of 8 people. In the past, such models would have scaled slowly but with the support of digital communications, political campaigns such as Obama’s two races and Bernie Sanders’ primary race have managed to deploy distributed organizing networks that involved hundreds of thousands of supporters.
When groups combine the best of mobilizing with new organizing, a dynamic emerges that Price calls the “Engagement Cycle”. This cycle marries issue-framing practices with a distributed organizing process and mobilization moments. It is through this cycle that Price believes modern campaigners score their big wins. He illustrates the Engagement Cycle at work in the evolution of two Canadian organizations from a mobilization-first focus to the practice of “engagement organizing”.
Read the full story, including stories from two successful engagement organizing groups.
