Iran Illustrates US Need for European Allies

The Islamic Republic of Iran regime has posed a threat to the United States, Europe, and the Gulf states for decades. It has been the world’s most prominent state sponsor of terrorism, funding proxy groups such as Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Hamas. The regime has sought a nuclear weapon capability in violation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and built up what was once the largest and most diverse missile force in the Middle East. It is in the interests of the United States and European nations to significantly de-fang the regime so that it can no longer destabilize the region, threaten global energy markets, or export its Shiʽa Islamist ideology through its support for global terrorism.

Many European political leaders have not publicly supported President Donald Trump’s decision for the United States to conduct military operations alongside Israel to degrade the Iranian military and regime. Some of the responses by European leaders have caused the Trump administration to question the benefits European alliances offer the United States. However, US and European interests are aligned on the matter of the Islamic Republic of Iran and North Atlantic Treaty Organization nations have provided more support to the United States and its Gulf partners than is publicly discussed by US officials. For a sense of the depth of collaboration, the United States carried out Operation Epic Fury and its blockade against Iran from bases in several NATO nations. The United States and its European allies should seek to repair fractures in their relationship and jointly pursue shared objectives against common adversaries Iran and Russia.

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“We want to make sure that we win the peace on terms that are good for the American people. We are already dramatically safer than we were . . . before this war started, but we really do need to get our allies on side. President Trump has used a lot of vinegar in diplomacy with our allies. We [have] got to use some honey now because we do need them. It’d be great to have a coalition to help us open that strait. And, by the way, Eastern Europe, the Baltic countries, small countries? They’re the kings when it comes to minesweeping; they’ve got more capabilities than we do. So, we need to get some allies on side to get this thing done. But I do believe the Iranians are on their back foot and we’re going to be in a better place I think in the coming months.”

— Rebeccah L. Heinrichs
Director, Keystone Defense Initiative

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“I see it as: I want the United States to be the strongest power in the world. I want us to be able to project power from anywhere we want. . . . We want NATO to be strong and robust so that the United States can share the burden with our allies. If we want to be a global superpower, it does mean that we [have] got to be able to stretch out and have these corridors where we can fly around in Europe to project power. Remember, we are deployed in Europe because we’re taking out Boko Haram and ISIS in Africa, we’re doing strikes in the Middle East, and we’re collaborating with our allies to create deterrence against the Russians. . . . We [have] got to make that alliance stronger because it makes us safer here at home.”

— Rebeccah L. Heinrichs
Director, Keystone Defense Initiative

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Hudson Highlights

Strengthen NATO, Don’t Wreck It

Rebeccah L. Heinrichs | National Review

“Despite complaints from some European politicians, the reality is that European countries are helping. . . . Ramstein Air Base [in Germany] is a central command-and-logistics hub for the military campaign, and there are no flight restrictions at German bases. . . . Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s ghastly decision to prevent the United States from operating freely from Diego Garcia was reversed within days. The United States has since operated freely out of the joint base, as well as out of RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire and a network of other UK bases. . . . The UK military is working closely with the Americans on providing intelligence. . . . British air defenders have been busy intercepting hundreds of Iranian drones. . . . The French are giving the United States access to sovereign French bases and granting overflight access to hundreds of sorties. They sent air-defense systems, including a SAMP/T and multiple helicopters, to the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Kuwait. . . . The French armed forces have moved their sole aircraft carrier from the Baltic Sea to the Eastern Mediterranean, positioned eight frigates in the wider Northern Indian Ocean, and are currently routing two minesweepers to the region.”

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Why Penalizing Partners Like Germany Would Weaken US Power

Daniel Kochis | The Hill

“Reports suggest President Trump is informally sorting allies into tiers—rewarding some while publicly punishing others. . . . It is an approach that may feel like leverage, but it will backfire. Germany shows why. US forces there underpin American power projection across Europe, the Middle East and North Africa. . . . Pulling troops now does not just send a political message; it undercuts a partner that is actively becoming more capable and more useful. It also is not cost-free. Germany helps offset the burden of hosting US forces—costs that do not disappear if troops move elsewhere. . . . US presence in Europe is already a shadow of its former self. There is little left to cut without weakening coverage across multiple theaters. . . . Even reshuffling forces within Europe based on political favor would create headaches. Alternatives are limited. Moving major systems is not simple and shifting presence eastward while hollowing out established bases in the west risks new political frictions among allies.”

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Seven Key Points on US Forces in Europe

Luke Coffey | Hudson Institute

“US forces are in Europe because their presence advances America’s own security, economic, and geopolitical interests. . . . Had the United States not maintained a large military presence in Germany, Landstuhl Regional Medical Center would not have been available during the decades of military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan to provide lifesaving medical care close to the point of injury. Most recently, the United States would not have had the same global reach to conduct sustained air operations against Iran as part of Operation Epic Fury without the overflight and basing rights that European countries provided. For example, Germany allowed B-1B Lancer bombers to land on its territory. And because America’s tanker fleet had permission to use air bases in Europe, US fighters and bombers could remain in the air for longer periods. America’s forward-deployed forces, whether in Europe or Asia, and the allies and partners that come with them, set the United States apart from Russia and China. Moscow and Beijing lack the same network of allies and partners that offer basing and overflight rights, which reduces their global reach.”

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Key Insights

Secretary of State Marco Rubio Remarks to Press

Marco Rubio | NATO Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

“We have to start thinking about what do we do if a few weeks from now Iran decides, We don’t care, we’re going to keep the straits closed, we’re going to sink any ship that doesn’t listen to us or doesn’t pay us. . . . I raised that point today. I got a lot of nods; I got a lot of people that came up to me afterwards and acknowledged it. . . . I know there’s a plan in place for what to do if the shooting stops. It’s what the French-UK initiative talks about ‘when the conditions are set.’ Well, what they mean by ‘when the conditions are set’ is when no one is shooting. But we have to have a Plan B for if someone is shooting—then how do you reopen the straits? And so, I made that point today. I don’t know if that would be a NATO mission necessarily, but it would certainly be NATO countries that can contribute to it. . . . The United States could do it. But there are countries that have expressed an interest in potentially being a part of something like that if, in fact, we get to that point. We don’t need their help, but they’re willing to do it, and I think we should take them up on it if they are.”

To Receive Testimony on the Posture of United States European Command and United States Transportation Command in Review of the Defense Authorization Request for Fiscal Year 2027 and the Future Years Defense Program

USEUCOM Commander Alexus G. Grynkewich | Senate Armed Services Committee

“By and large, the vast majority of our European allies, especially at the military level, which is where I engage most often, have been extremely supportive [of Operation Epic Fury]. They’ve provided access basing and overflight that enables General Reed’s operations to refuel aircraft coming from the United States, or the great amount of logistics that flow through Europe. It’s really been incredible to see the, you know, there’s certainly some discussions in the press about allies who did not move quick enough or who did not provide the access that we wanted. But I would tell you that, under the tip of that iceberg, there’s much more support in Europe for the things that are ongoing in the Middle East right now. . . . Our forces, bases, and infrastructure take advantage of the [European] continent’s strategic geography and allow the United States to rapidly move forces, sustain operations, and provide the president with diverse military options across multiple theaters.”

US Military Posture and National Security Challenges in Europe

USEUCOM Commander Alexus G. Grynkewich | House Armed Services Committee

“USEUCOM’s proven ability to project power in and beyond the region enables the United States to protect national interests, respond to crises, and preserve the president’s options. . . . The easiest way to think about it is tanker basing, right? To fly bombers from the United States, or even from locations in the theater, and project power into the Middle East requires a tanker bridge. That tanker bridge is projected from USEUCOM bases. . . . The infrastructure that we have in the continent of Europe, that’s been built up over the decades that we’ve been there, is critical to our global communications and our ability to command and control forces around the world. It’s, as you mentioned, critical to our sensing, our intelligence apparatus around the world. Sustainment and logistics would be the other area that I’d highlight. . . . This is all interconnected and it requires is a global approach.”

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte Ahead of the Meeting of NATO Ministers of Foreign Affairs in Helsingborg, Sweden

Mark Rutte | NATO Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

“We will discuss all relevant events, all relevant developments, including of course, the Strait of Hormuz in Iran. . . . Europeans have heard the message when it comes, for example, to European bases, and these are bilateral commitments by European countries with the United States. . . . European countries have been living up to those commitments. I was in Bucharest last week, and I saw first-hand, and you know that the Romanian government had to change even the legislation to make this possible, and they did this, as I think, in one or two days. I saw the tankers on the airport of Bucharest, but the same is true for Bulgaria, Portugal. It’s true for Greece, but also the bigger countries like Italy and UK and France and Germany. . . . What we are seeing is, and also here I think Europeans really heard the message, is many European countries making sure that they, let’s say, preposition some of their key ships and other equipment close to theatre, for example demining equipment, demining ships, demining uncrewed systems, so that in that next phase we can be maximum helpful as European allies. . . . Wherever we can help, we will be there.”

Europe’s Response to the Iran War

Alexandra de Hoop Scheffer | Council on Foreign Relations

“Europeans need, and will continue to need, the United States in Ukraine. And the Ukraine war has been a reality check in that sense for Europeans. In the Middle East and in other theaters, the United States will continue to turn to Europe first as its first, and most reliable, ally and partner. So there’s a recognition of this mutual interdependency. So what do you do about it? Is it a time to decouple and de-risk and do finger-pointing on who’s the best and who’s not the best in Europe and the United States? Or is it not the time where we should get together and say, Okay. Let’s pause. And this is probably a time to . . . ‘reset’ the terms of the transatlantic relationship. . . . How do we redefine these terms so that we stop finding ourselves in this situation where we are continuously being disappointed, finger-pointing at a time where we need actually to co-author what comes next?”

Hudson Highlights

Strengthen NATO, Don’t Wreck It

Why Penalizing Partners Like Germany Would Weaken US Power

Seven Key Points on US Forces in Europe

Key Insights

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