No images? Click here 1 DecemberWhatever happened to those day one priorities?Shortly after Joe Biden was elected a little over a year ago, he and Kamala Harris announced that their administration had four immediate priorities it sought to take on: COVID-19, climate, racial equity and the economy. Supporters of the administration point to major progress on all four issues: the majority of the country is vaccinated and benefiting from stimulus cheques, a return of US climate leadership including a US-led pledge to cut methane emissions joined by more than 30 other countries, unprecedented executive orders and administrative actions on the first day of the administration that advance equity and opportunity for Black Americans and communities, and a US economy that is expected to add 7.2 million jobs in the year since the 2020 election. Detractors of the administration point to more deaths from COVID-19 occurring in 2021 than in 2020, increased energy regulations by the administration like the shutdown of the Keystone XL pipeline despite high energy prices, no meaningful federal response to state-based efforts of voter suppression that disproportionately impact minority voters, and US inflation at its highest rate in more than 30 years. Yet with the emergence of a new COVID-19 variant, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell indicating that interest rates could rise sooner than expected, ever-growing setbacks to global trade amid supply chain challenges, the four priorities the administration wanted to immediately tackle have ultimately only faced expansion instead of resolution. And at the same time, other major priorities like the landmark domestic legislation around the Build Back Better agenda and next week's Democracy Summit face uncertain and ill-defined futures. With half or more of the registered US voters thinking the United States is headed in the wrong direction, the Biden administration clearly have their work cut out for them. Sincerely, Professor Simon Jackman NEWS WRAPOmi-come on!
![]() Here’s to the freedom to be you, the freedom to be me, and to our responsibility to be us. In the meantime and all times and until next time, just keep living. WEBINAR | 3 December A seat at the table: the role of regional multilateral institutions in US Indo-Pacific strategy For the past 30 years, Australia has supported inclusive regional security and economic multilateral institutions as a way of entrenching the United States’ role in Asia. With US-China competition intensifying, institutions such as the East Asia Summit (EAS) and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) are coming under new pressure. Yet even as new narrower groupings such as the Quad take form, the region's established multilateral institutions will remain key forums in the competition for regional influence. To discuss these issues and launch our new report A seat at the table: The role of regional multilateral institutions in US Indo-Pacific strategy, the United States Studies Centre will host a webinar featuring report author Susannah Patton, Research Fellow in USSC's Foreign Policy and Defence Program; Hoang Thi Ha, Lead Researcher at the ASEAN Studies Centre and Co-coordinator of the Regional Strategic and Political Studies Programme at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute; and Dr Prashanth Parameswaran, Global Fellow at the Wilson Center in conversation with Dr Peter Lee, Research Fellow in USSC's Foreign Policy and Defence Program. WHEN: COST: You can also subscribe to have event invitations and reminders sent straight to your inbox, so you never have to miss an event! ANALYSISOmicron is the least of the problems for global tradeDr Stephen Kirchner The indefinite postponement of the World Trade Organization’s 12th Ministerial Conference in Geneva because of a new COVID-19 variant represents yet another setback for the multilateral trading system. Logistics aside, the WTO faces fundamental questions about its future. In particular, it is far from clear whether the world’s two largest economies, the United States and China, are committed to greater global economic integration. The delay to MC12 comes ahead of the 20th anniversary of China’s accession to the WTO on December 11. WTO membership was an important element of China’s integration into the world economy, as well as its domestic economic reform program. But 20 years on, China’s role in the world economy is seen as increasingly problematic. At the 8th review of China’s trade policy by the WTO in October, 50 delegations, including Australia’s, lined up to criticise China’s state-led development model, adherence to WTO rules and use of coercive economic statecraft. WTO accession in 2001 made permanent the access China had enjoyed to US markets since the 1980s, but removed the substantial implicit trade barrier represented by uncertainty around whether the US Congress would renew China’s most favoured nation status each year. More importantly, WTO accession saw China lower its trade barriers to the rest of the world, including the United States. The “China shock” literature has highlighted the number of US manufacturing jobs lost to import competition from China in recent decades. However, a broader assessment of the economic impact of that shock shows that it has been a net positive for the US economy. Had the US resisted China’s integration into the global economy, greater import competition would have almost certainly arisen from other developing economies. The China shock was not really specific to China, but part of a broader globalisation shock to manufacturing that benefited the US and world economies. Greater US economic engagement with China was never expected to lead to top-down political liberalisation by the Chinese Communist Party, but it was expected to lead to bottom-up changes in Chinese society that would present long-run challenges to CCP rule. Increased political and economic repression under Xi Jinping, including recent leftist “rectification” campaigns against successful Chinese firms and industries, are symptomatic of increased regime insecurity and counter-intuitively vindicate the view that China’s integration into the world economy would challenge the regime. Former US president Donald Trump’s trade war and sanctions against
China have also led the CCP to question the extent of economic interdependence with the US. Trump’s “America First” policies and President Joe Biden’s “foreign policy for the middle class” are mirrored in China by Xi’s advocacy of a concept of national security that embraces economic self-sufficiency, aspires to global technological leadership, engages in economic statecraft and seeks to diversify away from economic engagement with the US. This is an excerpt of an article published in the Australian Financial Review. BY THE NUMBERSUS$6 increase for Thanksgiving dinner The time-honoured classic Thanksgiving meal cost American families an average of six dollars more last week than in 2020 due to the high US inflation rate. According to the American Farm Bureau, which tracks the prices of agricultural products, the price of a 16 pound Turkey increased by 24 per cent since last year's Thanksgiving while the price of a bag of fresh cranberries increased by 12 per cent. Catch more By the numbers analysis here THE ALLIANCE AT 70 | COMMENCING CONSULTATIONSThe following is an excerpt from the soon-to-be-released The Alliance at 70 from The Honourable Alexander Downer AC, Minister for Foreign Affairs (1996-2007) Commencing ConsultationsFor the Australian foreign minister, the defence minister and even the prime minister, ANZUS has a much more profound raison d’etre. In 1996 at the AUSMIN summit in Sydney – which was the first I attended as foreign minister – we signed the Sydney Declaration. For some reason, this has been largely forgotten but it was an attempt by the new Australian Government to articulate jointly with our American visitors what ANZUS meant to us in practice. That Sydney Declaration is as relevant today as it was 25 years ago. First and foremost, from Australia’s perspective, the ANZUS Treaty is designed to anchor the United States in the security architecture of what today we call the Indo-Pacific region. The deeper and the more permanent the US engagement in the region, the less likely the region is to fracture and the status quo be challenged, or even changed, by the use of force. Or put another way, the US presence in the region helps to underwrite a regional balance of power. Take away that balance and the region would become deeply unstable. The two key alliances that keep the United States anchored in our region are the Alliance with Australia in the south and the alliance with Japan in the north. Although the United States has other allies in the region, these two alliances are the most substantial and enduring. Secondly, the Alliance with the United States gives Australia access to the best of American military technology. This is frequently overlooked by critics of the Alliance. Although Australia is a rich country, its small population and its huge size present a number of challenges when structuring the defence force. Australia has no choice but to depend on the very best technology for its security and the security of its region. Australia simply doesn’t have the size or the capacity to develop that technology itself. The Alliance gives us that edge over other regional countries not in alliance with the United States. Thirdly, the Alliance gives us access to American intelligence. This is a huge advantage for Australia. We have access to information which almost no other country in the region has – even Japan. That gives our diplomacy a major advantage. The Americans also gain out of this relationship as Australian intelligence in its own neighbourhood is equal to none. Finally, Australia’s intimate Alliance, its access to American technology and intelligence and extensive bilateral diplomatic engagement, as well as economic links, enhances very substantially Australia’s status in the region. Given the United States’ huge power both militarily and economically, relations with the United States matter to every nation in the Indo-Pacific. VIDEOA conversation with Molly Ball, author of Pelosi and TIME magazine national political correspondentThis time last year, the United States Studies Centre hosted a webinar event featuring award-winning political journalist Molly Ball, TIME Magazine’s national political correspondent and author of the recent biography Pelosi. She was joined in conversation with Dr Charles Edel, Senior Fellow at the United States Studies Centre and Dr John Lee, Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the United States Studies Centre. Catch more analysis on the United States on the USSC YouTube channel. Manage your email preferences | Forward this email to a friend United States Studies Centre |