No images? Click here 23 FebruaryReinvigorating allied responses beyond EuropeRussia’s unlawful encroachments into Ukraine dominate the news this week, along with the televised spectacle of President Putin browbeating Russia’s security and political leadership into publicly endorsing his plans. If there was any doubt as to what an alternative to the rules-based, liberal international order looks like, look no further. A question we’re asking at the US Studies Centre is what the Western alliance’s response to the Ukraine crisis means for the Indo-Pacific. Despite decades of regional defensive collaboration and deep familiarity with the challenge Russia poses, it remains difficult for NATO allies to form a unified response to Russian aggression. How, then, might more nascent formations like the Quad or the network of bilateral alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific react to a contingency? The closest hypothetical analogy of most direct relevance for the United States and its Indo-Pacific allies would be an attempted annexation of Taiwan by the People’s Republic of China. But in this scenario, there is no NATO and no decades-long history of regional, multilateral defensive collaboration. Only recently has the United States and its Indo-Pacific allies and partners expanded joint military exercises. And only recently has the challenge Xi Jinping’s China poses become more widely familiar. Rebuilding NATO's collective Cold War muscle memory is very much a work in progress. But an even less developed alliance network in the Indo-Pacific highlights the urgent need to build institutions and working relationships beyond Europe. Sincerely, NEWS WRAPJustice for Ahmaud
![]() So, Putin is now saying, 'It’s independent,' a large section of Ukraine. I said, 'How smart is that?' And he’s gonna go in and be a peacekeeper. That’s the strongest peace force -- we could use that on our southern border...Here's a guy who's very savvy. WEBINAR | 1 March Preview of Biden's first State of the Union AddressThe US Constitution mandates the president “shall from time to time give Congress information of the State of the Union”, which has now become an annual address from the sitting president. This is an opportunity for the president to make their case – celebrating successes so far and setting the policy trajectory for the year ahead. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi invited President Biden to give his first State of the Union Address on 1 March 2022. Facing dwindling poll numbers and an acrimoniously divided country, can President Biden’s address win him much needed political capital ahead of the November 2022 midterm elections? How much will the Indo-Pacific or other foreign policy feature in his address? What should Australia listen out for? To discuss these issues, please join us before President Biden’s address for a webinar event with USSC politics experts Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy David Smith, Non-Resident Senior Fellow Bruce Wolpe and Research Associate Victoria Cooper in conversation with CEO Professor Simon Jackman. WHEN: COST: You can also subscribe to have event invitations and reminders sent straight to your inbox, so you never have to miss an event! ANALYSISIf Putin triumphs, Xi may copy that playbook in Taiwan: The high stakes for BidenBruce Wolpe When a foreign policy crisis first hits, presidents generally benefit from Americans instinctively standing with their leaders to face the challenge – even when news is one of failure. John Kennedy in the Bay of Pigs in Cuba, Jimmy Carter in the attempt to rescue the American hostages in Iran, George W Bush in the aftermath of September 11: all received a bump in approval as the country moved to unite and see the crisis through. When there is unvarnished success, a president’s standing can soar, as with George H W Bush in the first Gulf War. When Russian missiles, troops and tanks invade Ukraine, will Americans rally to Biden’s call for condemnation and resolve, or will there be a bitter debate about “who lost Ukraine?” – with the President in its crosshairs. America’s political culture has degraded over many years, most especially under Donald Trump’s presidency. Partisanship has metastasised and the cancer is everywhere. Even though there has been a degree of bipartisan dialogue on the core components of Biden’s efforts to deter Putin from invading Ukraine – punishing sanctions, beefing up NATO’s troop presence on the eastern front, and arming the Ukrainians with weapons to fight off the Russians – leaders in the Senate could not agree on sanctions legislation. And there is significant sentiment among “America First” Trumpist Republicans that Ukraine is not America’s fight and there is no need to mess with Putin – even as he messes with the future of Europe and all the Western allies. This is an excerpt from an article published by The Sydney Morning Herald BY THE NUMBERSOnly 16% of Americans support mandatory voting USSC polling conducted in December 2021 indicates the idea of mandatory polling remains unpopular with the US public. Respondents were asked whether they thought "voting in elections should be mandatory for adult American citizens, like jury duty" or not. In total, just 16 per cent of respondents agreed voting should be mandatory. There was, however, a significant partisan gap with nearly a third (27 per cent) of Biden voters agreeing compared to 8 per cent of Trump voters. Read more By the numbers analysis here VIDEONATO Expert Talks | Australia's relationship with NATOAs part of the jointly presented USSC and NATO expert talks series, guest speaker James Mackey (NATO’s Director for Security Policy and Partnerships Directorate, Political Affairs and Security Policy Division) weighed in on the value of the NATO-Australia relationship, how it's progressed and how it continues to develop. Catch more analysis on the United States on the USSC YouTube channel. Manage your email preferences | Forward this email to a friend United States Studies Centre |